a 


The  National  Child  Labor  Committee  14 1 

said  that  4ie..^lieved  that  this  amount  of  money  and  much  more  could  be 
spent  effectively''1n-4;dping  to  lighten  the  burdens  of  childhood,  and  that  it 
would  come  back  many1Pt>kiin  the  future.  He  closed  with  an  appeal  to  those 
who  are  interested  in  this  subject  to  enlist  jthe  active  co-operation  of  every 
worker,  and,  if  possible,  of  those '  vs^o  e^n  give  of  their  substance  to  the 
financial  support  of  the  work  of  the  Natjonal  Committee  and  of  the  several 
state  and  local  committees. 


A 


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Civic  Organizations  and  Municipal 

Parties 


A  Symposium  on 

Reform  Organizations  in 

Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Buffalo,  Cincinnati,  Pittsburgh,  New  Orleans, 
Minneapolis,  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  Denver,  Los  Angeles,  Seattle. 


PHILADELPHIA 

CITY  PARTY. 

By  William  Clark  Mason,  Esq. 

On  the  7th  of  last  November  the  fusion  forces  in  Philadelphia,  led  by 
the  City  Party,  after  a  campaign  such  as  had  never  before  been  seen  in  our 
city,  polled  148,000  votes  against  100,000  cast  for  the  regular  Republican 
organization,  the  candidates  of  the  City  Party  being  elected  by  a  clear 
majority  of  48,000  votes. 

As  soon  as  the  “Organization”  had  recovered  from  the  shock  of  defeat, 
the  prophets  found  their  voice,  and  it  was  very  generally  stated  that  this 
victory  for  the  City  Party  was  the  result  of  a  spasm  on  the  part  of  the  public, 
and  that  before  very  long  the  eminently  respectable  citizens  would  go  to  sleep, 
and  the  “Organization”  would  come  to  its  own  again.  But  for  once  the  pro¬ 
phets  misjudged  the  sentiment  of  the  people.  The  organization  of  the  City 
Party  successfully  withstood  the  temptations  which  come  with  victory,  and 
maintained  intact  its  membership  in  the  various  wards. 

The  municipal  election  which  was  held  on  the  20th  of  this  past  February 
was  the  anniversary  of  the  first  contest  in  which  the  City  Party  engaged, 
and  was  regarded  by  all  to  be  the  test  of  the  strength  of  the  City  Party.  At 
this  time  there  wa*  nothing  unusual  to  arouse  the  interest  of  the  voters ; 
there  were  none  of  the  dramatic  elements  present  which  attended  the  No¬ 
vember  campaign,  and  the  managers  of  the  Republican  organization  predicted 
a  victory  of  at  least  forty  thousand  for  their  candidates.  The  offices  to  be 
filled  were  those  of  Magistrate,  to  be  elected  by  the  city  at  large;  members 

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Civic  Organizations  and  Municipal  Parties  143 

of  Select  Councils  in  sixteen  wards ;  members  of  Common  Councils  in  eleven 
wards ;  school  directors  and  election  officers  in  all  of  the  forty-three  wards 
of  the  city.  In  those  wards  where  there  was  a  councilmanic  contest  an 
energetic  campaign  was  waged,  and  in  some  wards  where  the  school  directors 
presented  the  only  issue  the  lines  between  the  City  Party  and  the  Repub¬ 
lican  organization  were  clearly  drawn — but  in  none  of  the  wards  was  there 
the  same  personal  interest  of  all  the  independent  voters  that  was  shown  in 
the  November  campaign.  The  burden  of  carrying  on  the  February  fight  fell 
upon  the  “workers”  of  the  City  Party  in  the  several  divisions.  The  campaign 
lasted  about  four  weeks,  and  instead  of  red  fire  and  sensational  newspaper 
support  which  aided  much  in  November  there  was  the  sober  personal  argu¬ 
ment  of  the  earnest  adherents  of  the  City  Party,  interested  in  obtaining  the 
proper  type  of  men  as  municipal  servants.  When  the  polls  had  closed  and 
the  votes  were  counted,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  total  vote  cast  was  less 
by  50,000  than  it  was  in  November,  the  candidate  for  Magistrate  on  the 
City  Party  ticket  received  a  majority  of  11,000  over  the  candidate  of  the 
Republican  organization.  Out  of  sixteen  Select  Councilmen  to  be  elected 
the  City  Party  elected  eight,  and  also  elected  eight  Common  Councilmen 
out  of  the  thirteen  voted  for,  in  addition  to  234  school  directors  out  of  a 
total  of  516. 

In  February,  1905,  the  City  Party  failed  to  carry  a  single  ward;  in 
November,  1905,  the  candidates  of  the  City  Party  carried  twenty-eight  wards, 
while  in  the  recent  election  the  City  Party  carried  eighteen  wards  for  school 
directors  and  twenty-two  wards  for  Magistrate.  The  most  important  feature 
of  the  victory,  however,  is  that  the  City  Party  elected  the  majority  or  minority 
election  officer  in  nearly  every  one  of  the  eleven  hundred  election  divisions 
in  the  city,  thus  ensuring  an  honest  conduct  of  elections  for  the  period  of  at 
least  one  year.  The  control  of  the  elections  boards  has  been  the  source 
of  greatest  power  for  corruption  and  fraud  on  the  part  of  the  Republican 
organization  in  the  past,  and  with  this  element  of  strength  eliminated  from 
the  “Organization,”  it  only  remains  for  the  independent  citizens  to  cast  their 
votes  at  the  ensuing  elections  to  assure  the  election  of  the  candidates  of  the 
people. 

The  success  of  the  City  Party  in  February  means  that  the  victory  in 
November  was  not  a  mere  outburst  of  enthusiasm  due  to  the  emotions  of  a 
day  and  the  glare  of  red  lights.  It  means  that  the  people  of  Philadelphia 
have  seriously  and  soberly  expressed  their  will  that  the  government  of  our 
city  shall  be  retained  in  the  hands  of  the  citizens,  and  that  the  public  servants 
shall  represent  their  constituents  and  not  a  group  of  public  service  corpora¬ 
tions  or  municipal  contractors. 

The  effect  of  this  second  victory  of  the  City  Party  will  be  shown  when 
the  City  Councils  organize  in  April,  and  from  present  indications  it  would 
seem  likely  that,  although  the  Councilmen  elected  by  the  City  Party  are  in 
the  minority  in  both  branches  of  Councils,  the  president  of  both  branches 
will  be  elected  from  the  supporters  of  the  City  Party.  The  fact  that  this  is 
possible  shows  that  members  of  the  old  organization  appreciate  that  the 

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people  are  aroused  and  will  insist  that  their  will  be  obeyed.  It  means  that 
once  more  the  people  shall  have  a  government  which  shall  be  representative 
of  the  majority  instead  of  the  minority,  and  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant 
when  every  citizen  shall  be  an  active  participant  in  the  government  of  the 
municipality  of  which  he  is  a  member.  The  result  will  be  a  higher  type  of 
public  officials,  more  intelligent  legislation,  and  more  efficient  administration 
of  all  departments  of  the  government,  to  the  betterment  of  the  moral  and 
physical  welfare  of  the  entire  community. 


BALTIMORE 

a  REFORM  LEAGUE. 
h  MUNICIPAL  LEAGUE. 

By  Solomon  Blum^  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

Baltimore's  political  position,  while  not  unique  among  our  large  cities,  is 
certainly  unusual  in  that  the  question  of  corruption  in  our  civic  life  has  not 
been  predominant  for  the  last  decade  or  more,  nor  has  any  new  problem 
such  as  municipal  ownership  assumed  sufficient  proportions  to  cause  the 
formation  of  a  municipal  party  antagonistic  to  the  two  old  parties.  The 
interest  has  shifted  to  a  great  degree  from  the  political  to  the  economic  field. 
As  a  consequence,  civic  organizations  and  third  parties  do  not  play  the  con¬ 
spicuous  part  in  Baltimore’s  political  life  that  they  do  in  New  York,  Philadel¬ 
phia  and  Chicago. 

In  every  municipal  campaign  within  recent  years  citizens’  organizations 
have  been  formed  either  by  the  party  machines  or  by  Independent  Democrats, 
Independent  Republicans  or  by  “Simon  Pure”  Independents  for  the  purpose 
of  aiding  some  candidate  or  measure.  Frequently  their  campaigns  are  carried 
on  with  great  vigor  through  the  press,  by  public  meeting  and  by  direct  canvass 
of  the  voters. 

After  the  elections  these  organizations  disband.  At  times  they  have 
exerted  considerable  influence.  In  the  recent  election  the  Democratic  Anti- 
Amendment  Association  opposed  the  proposed  constitutional  amendment 
which  was  being  fathered  by  the  Democratic  organization,  and  was  one  of 
the  potent  factors  in  its  overwhelming  defeat.  In  the  elections  which  resulted 
in  the  passage  of  the  bills  authorizing  the  issue  of  municipal  bonds  an  organi¬ 
zation  of  Independents  was  influential. 

The  Baltimore  Reform  League,  which  I  described  in  some  detail  in  the 
March,  1905,  Annals,  is  supposed  to  be  entirely  non-partisan.  It  is  a  small 
compact  organization  composed  of  many  of  the  most  valued  citizens  of  Balti¬ 
more,  and  maintains  its  influence  because  the  great  body  of  the  citizens 
believe  in  the  sincerity  of  its  purposes  and  have  confidence  in  the  men  who 
are  at  its  head.  The  chief  work  of  the  league  at  present  is  to  investigate  the 

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145 


qualifications  of  judges  of  elections  and  to  bring  before  the  Supervisors  of 
elections  the  results  of  its  labors. 

It  is  probable  that  if  any  crisis  in  our  political  situation  should  arise  this 
body  would  become,  as  it  has  been  in  the  past,  the  nucleus  for  the  independent 
movement  in  the  city.  At  present  any  positive  policy  which  it  may  have  has 
been  subordinated  to  its  efforts  to  promote  pure  elections. 

The  Municipal  League  of  Baltimore  was  organized  in  February,  1905. 
Its  purpose  is  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the  reform  leagues.  Its  methods  are 
different,  however.  A  call  was  issued  to  one  hundred  citizens  supposed  to 
represent  the  various  elements  of  our  population  irrespective  of  political 
affiliation.  The  attempt  was  then  made  to  enlist  the  support  of  as  many 
voters  as  possible  by  the  circulation  of  petitions.  As  no  obligation  was 
incurred  by  signing  this  petition,  the  number  of  signers  was  not  in  any 
sense  an  adequate  index  of  the  league’s  strength.  The  league  then  started 
an  investigation  of  the  councilmanic  candidates  of  both  parties;  and  in  an 
elaborate  report  given  to  the  press  the  qualifications  of  the  candidates  were 
set  forth.  In  the  primaries  which  followed  the  league  was  not  as  influential 
as  its  organizers  had  hoped  it  to  be.  And  in  the  election  the  results  were 
not  more  promising  for  its  future  influence.  It  is  too  early,  perhaps,  to 
state  with  certainty  either  the  future  policy  or  influence  of  the  league. 

There  are  two  reasons  which  make  the  formation  of  a  municipal  party 
particularly  difficult.  In  recent  years,  owing  either  to  the  improved  election 
laws  or  to  an  actual  increase  in  numbers,  the  Republican  party  has  been  able 
to  make  a  vigorous  contest  both  for  the  Mayoralty  and  for  members  of 
the  Council.  In  two  instances  it  elected  its  Mayoralty  candidate,  and  in  the 
last  campaign  the  result  had  to  be  decided  by  the  courts.  This  has  put  both 
parties  upon  their  mettle,  and  has  prevented  the  evils  of  one-party  domination 
which  have  afflicted  other  cities.  This,  too,  has  made  the  independent  voter  a 
factor  to  be  counted  on  and  catered  to  by  both  parties.  The  most  distinctive 
feature  in  our  municipal  life  is  the  importance  of  the  negro  vote.  Of  all  our 
large  cities  Baltimore  has,  next  to  Washington,  the  largest  negro  population 
in  the  country,  and  by  far  the  largest  effective  negro  voting  population.  Of 
the  registered  voters  October,  1904,  there  were,  of  a  total  of  119,271,  17,880 
negroes,  or  about  15  per  cent,  of  the  registered  vote.  This  vote  is  almost  solidly 
Republican  and  the  most  immobile  of  any  class  of  the  population.  No  third 
»party  could  hope  to  change  the  allegiance  of  the  negro  vote.  As  a  conse¬ 
quence,  any  such  party  would  be  looked  upon  by  the  Democrats,  who  might 
otherwise  have  been  attracted  to  it,  as  an  adjunct  to  the  Republicans,  and,  in 
fact,  it  would  be  so.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  unless  both  of  the  present 
parties  become  hopelessly  corrupt  or  incompetent  or  the  demand  for  some 
special  reform  as  municipal  ownership  becomes  crystallized  into  a  great  civic 
desire  which  both  parties  refuse  to  satisfy,  the  prospect  for  the  success  of  a 
municipal  party  is  decidedly  remote. 


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The  Annals  0}  the  American  Academy 


« 


BUFFALO 

a  REFERENDUM  LEAGUE. 
b  MUNICIPAL  LEAGUE. 

By  Robert  S.  Binkerd^  Secretary  Municipal  League  of  Buffalo. 

The  Municipal  and  Referendum  Leagues  took  an  active  part  in  the 
municipal  election  of  last  November.  The  Referendum  League  ran  three 
unsuccessful  independent  candidates  for  Alderman,  and  secured  the  submission 
on  the  voting  machines  of  the  question,  “Shall  the  City  of  Buffalo  own  a 
municipal  electric  lighting  and  power  plant?”  About  12  per  cent,  of  the 
citizens  voted  on  the  proposition,  four-fifths  of  the  vote  cast  being  in  the 
affirmative. 

The  Municipal  League  followed  the  well-known  Chicago  plan  and  ran 
no  independent  candidates,  but  investigated  and  published  the  records  of 
party  candidates.  Of  twelve  candidates  for  Alderman  recommended  six 
were  elected.  Notable  victories  were  secured  in  the  defeat  of  two  boodle 
candidates  for  nomination  in  the  Sixth  and  Twenty-fifth  Wards,  while  in 
the  final  elction  an  indicted  boodle  Alderman  in  the  Fifth  Ward  was  defeated. 
The  greatest  victory,  however,  was  the  defeat  of  “Honest  John”  Martin,  of 
the  Twentieth  Ward,  one  of  the  worst  figures  in  the  Common  Council.  His 
former  plurality  of  656  w'as  changed  to  defeat  by  45  votes. 

Out  of  thirteen  candidates  for  supervisor  recommended  six  were  elected, 
and  at  the  primaries  the  former  leader  of  the  Republican  gang  was  defeated 
for  renomination.  The  independent  conduct  of  the  new  supervisors  has  had 
a  tonic  effect  on  that  board. 

The  league  set  out  to  elect  one  assessor  and  to  defeat  another,  and 
succeeded.  The  recommended  candidate  received  the  highest  vote  cast,39,ooo, 
and  the  condemned  candidate  the  lowest  vote  cast,  23,000. 

For  Councilman  the  league  recommended  only  two  candidates,  one  of 
w'hom  received  the  highest  Councilmanic  vote  cast,  the  other  running  at  the 
head  of  the  Republican  Councilmanic  candidates.  Both  of  the  league’s 
recommendations  for  morning  justice  were  elected  by  large  majorities. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  to  organize  a  distinctly  municipal  party. 
The  idea  of  independent  voting  in  municipal  elections  is  just  beginning  to 
take  hold  of  Buffalo,  ‘which  is  not  yet  sufficiently  awakened.  The  presence 
of  about  80,000  Poles  and  20,000  Italians  creates  a  serious  problem,  while 
the  large  German  vote  moves  slowly  to  independent  action. 

The  Municipal  League  is  a  permanent  organization,  carefully  watches 
the  work  of  the  city  and  county  governments,  keeps  up  to  date  the  records 
of  all  officials,  and  stands  ready  at  any  time  to  crystalize  public  sentiment 
and  action  against  bad  measures. 


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147 


CINCINNATI 

a  CITIZENS’  MUNICIPAL  PARTY. 
b  HONEST  ELECTION  COMMITTEE. 

By  Max  B.  May^  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

The  only  «ty  organization  that  has  participated  actively  in  municipal 
elections  is  the  Citizens’  Municipal  Party,  which  was  organized  in  the  spring 
of  1903  in  the  municipal  election  of  that  year,  nominating  a  municipal  ticket. 
That  party  was  supported  by  the  Democratic  organization,  but  the  ticket  was 
not  successful.  The  Citizens’  Municipal  Party  aims  to  be  entirely  independent 
and  to  bring  about  a  total  separation  of  national,  state  and  municipal  politics, 
but  owing  to  the  fact  that  in  1904  the  spring  elections  which  had  heretofore 
occurred  in  Ohio  were  abolished  and  the  elections  this  year  were  held  on  the 
same  day  that  the  state  and  county  elections  took  place,  the  Citizens’  Party 
as  such  was  unable  to  nominate  a  ticket  of  its  own,  and  therefore  co-operated 
with  a  Democratic  party  by  endorsing  the  municipal  ticket,  which  was  suc¬ 
cessful. 

On  November  7,  1905,  there  took  place  in  Cincinnati  one  of  the  most 
important  elections  in  her  history.  For  many  years  past  the  city  and  county 
have  been  under  the  domination  of  the  Republican  machine.  In  the  spring 
of  1903  there  was  nominated  against  the  Republican  city  ticket  the  Citizens’ 
municipal  ticket,  which  was  defeated  by  a  majority  of  15,000.  In  the  county 
and  city  election  in  the  fall  of  1903,  and  in  the  Presidential  election  of  1904, 
the  Republican  majority  in  the  county  was  so  large  that  there  seemed  little 
hope  of  dislodging  the  machine.  So  confident  were  the  Republican  leaders 
that,  during  the  legislative  session  of  1904,  there  was  passed  a  bill  abolishing 
spring  city  elections  and  providing  that  the  next  city  election  should  take 
place  in  .the  fall  of  1905.  In  Hamilton  county  there  was  nominated  in  the 
*  last  week  of  September  the  usual  city  and  county  ticket.  The  leaders  of 
the  City  Municipal  Party,  seeing  that  the  only  chance  of  success  lay  in  the 
nomination  of  a  strong  Democratic  ticket,  wisely  agreed  to  lend  its  support 
to  this  ticket.  One  of  the  strongest  Democrats  in  the  city.  Judge  Edward  J. 
Dempsey,  was  nominated  for  Mayor.  At  the  time  of  the  nomination  it 
seemed  almost  of  an  herculean  task  to  overcome  the  Republican  majority 
of  1904,  which  amounted  to  42,000  in  the  county  and  some  36,000  in  the  city. 
However,  all  friends  of  good  government  united  in  this  great  task,  and  a 
victorious  and  aggressive  campaign  was  begun.  The  Republican  organiza¬ 
tion  did  nothing.  The  Times-Star  and  the  Commercial-Tribune  and  the 
Republican  German  papers  made  a  vigorous  campaign  on  behalf  of  the 
ticket.  The  only  support  the  Democratic  ticket  received  in  the  way  of  active 
campaign  work  was  from  the  Evening  Post  and  the  Citizens’  Bulletin,  a 
small  weekly  that  has  appeared  regularly  since  the  spring  of  1903.  The 
prospects  did  not  seem  the  brightest,  but  when  the  citizens  of  Cincinnati, 
Sunday  morning,  October  21,  read  in  the  Cincinnati  Enquirer  (the  only  morn¬ 
ing  paper  in  Cincinnati  that  carried  the  speech  in  full)  the  great  speech  of 

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the  Secretary  of  War,  Honorable  William  Taft,  that  had  been  delivered 
the  day  before  at  Akron,  Ohio,  in  which  he  stated  that  if  he  were  in  Cincin¬ 
nati  he  would  vote  against  the  Cox  municipal  ticket,  every  one  felt  that  the 
knell  of  the  Cox  reign  had  been  sounded.  From  that  time  on  the  work  in 
favor  of  the  Democratic  ticket  became  more  aggressive,  and  it  was  in  the 
air  that  Judge  Dempsey  and  the  entire  Democratic  ticket  would  win.  At  the 
election  held  in  November  last  this  prediction  w’as  verified.  Judge  Dempsey 
being  elected  by  a  majority  of  nearly  7000,  and  the  county  ticket,  with  the 
exception  of  Probate  Judge,  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  6000;  the  Repub¬ 
lican  state  ticket  only  carried  Hamilton  county  by  majorities  of  less  than  500. 

The  defeat  of  the  Cox  machine  is  not  entirely  complete,  because  the  City 
Council  is  still  Republican,  but  there  are  not  enough  Republican  votes  to 
override  the  Mayor’s  veto. 

Of  course,  the  question  now  asked  by  every  one  is  what  will  the  Demo¬ 
crats  do  with  their  victory?  This  remains  to  be  seen.  The  Legislature  that 
meets  in  January  next,  though  Republican  by  a  small  majority  in  the  House, 
will  be  called  upon  to  enact  some  very  important  remedial  legislation,  such  as 
a  new  ballot  law.  An  effort  will  be  made  to  have  the  state  adopt  the  pure 
Australian  ballot.  Should  this  be  done,  the  friends  of  the  ballot  and  of  good 
government  expect  to  repeal  the  Dana  law,  which  prohibits  the  candidate’s 
name  from  appearing  more  than  once  on  the  ballot.  The  Legislature  will  also 
be  called  upon  to  enact  a  civil  service  bill  for  the  state,  county  and  city,  and  the 
local  branch  of  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League  is  now  preparing 
such  a  bill. 

Two  important  constitutional  amendments  were  adopted  at  the  November 
election — the  one  exempting  from  taxation  all  bonds  of  the  state  of  Ohio, 
bonds  of  any  city,  village,  hamlet,  county  or  township  in  the  state,  and  bonds 
issued  in  behalf  of  the  public  schools  of  Ohio  and  the  amount  of  instruction 
in  connection  therewith,  and  the  other  amendment  provides  that  hereafter 
municipal  elections  shall  be  in  odd  years  and  county  and  state  elections  in 
even  years.  The  adoption  of  this  amendment  will  give  the  Ohio  cities  a 
separate  municipal  election. 

The  Citizens’  Municipal  Party,  now  that  municipal  elections  are  to  be 
held  in  odd  years  by  constitutional  amendment,  is  endeavoring  to  organize 
on  a  permanent  basis.  It  is  securing  pledges  from  citizens  generally  to 
become  members  of  the  party  whose  platform  is  total  separation  of  state 
and  national  from  city  politics  and  the  nomination  of  candidates  solely  upon 
merit.  This  party  has  an  executive  committee,  and  its  leaders  publish  a 
weekly  paper  devoted  to  its  cause  called  the  “Citizens’  Bulletin.” 

.  The  maintenance  of  a  distinctively  municipal  party  is  particularly  difficult 
in  this  city,  because  the  regular  election  machinery  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
central  committee  of  the  two  dominant  parties,  parties  which  are  national 
in  scope,  and  under  the  existing  election  laws  it  is  impossible  for  a  purely 
municipal  party  to  have  its  ticket  placed  upon  the  official  ballot  without 
presenting  petitions  properly  signed  as  required  by  law.  Then,  again,  the 
local  press,  with  one  exception,  has  given  no  support  whatever  to  a  dis- 

(406) 


Civic  Organizations  and  Municipal  Parties 


149 


tinctively  municipal  party,  and  heretofore  the  public  at  large  has  to  some 
extent  been  so  terrorized  by  the  local  machine  that  the  majority  of  people 
were  afraid  to  come  out  publicly  in  support  of  any  movement  opposed  to 
the  machine. 

During  the  last  campaign  the  Honest  Election  Committee  was  organized 
and  did  effective  work.  This  committee  has  prepared  important  legislation 
which  has  already  been  introduced  into  the  legislature,  and  when  adopted 
will  remove  many  of  the  difficulties  which  now  stand  in  the  way  of  inde¬ 
pendent  movement.  It  is  too  early  to  state  whether  or  not  such  movement 
will  be  successful.  This  legislation  contemplates  the  Massachusetts  ballot  law, 
the  direct  primary  law,  a  new  registration  law,  a  corrupt  practice  law  and 
also  the  repeal  of  the  Dana  law,  which  prevents  a  candidate’s  name  appearing 
more  than  once  on  the  official  ballot.  Without  some  change  in  the  election 
laws  it  will  be  extremely  difficult  for  an  independent  municipal  movement  to 
succeed  permanently. 


PITTSBURGH 

VOTERS’  CIVIC  LEAGUE. 

By  Tensard  De  Wolfe,  Secretary  Voters’  Civic  League,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

On  February  20th  Pittsburgh  elected  as  Mayor  George  W.  Guthrie.  He 
is  a  Democrat  in  national  politics,  but  his  election  was  made  possible  by  the 
support  of  the  independent  element.  This  is  a  decisive  victory  for  the  inde¬ 
pendent  voters  of  Pittsburgh.  It  also  means  the  end  of  the  present  Republican 
machine  in  this  city.  A  reorganization  will  be  necessary,  and  it  is  believed 
that  it  will  be  headed  by  a  better  element  than  has  heretofore  taken  part  in 
political  affairs. 

The  present  reform  victory,  which  is  complete  and  substantial,  comes 
after  four  years  of  constant  political  warfare.  In  1902  the  old  Republican 
machine,  which  had  ruled  the  city  for  twenty  years,  was  overthrown.  But 
the  new  machine  was  just  as  bad  as  the  old,  and  its  three  years  of  administra¬ 
tion  were  no  improvement  on  the  past.  Mr.  Guthrie  was  nominated  for 
Mayor  by  the  independent  element,  and  through  various  political  deals  all 
the  machine  bosses — both  new  and  old — were  arrayed  against  him.  Thus  the 
independent  victory  was  complete.  Mr.  Guthrie  is  a  man  of  the  highest 
character,  wide  experience,  large  ability. 

Several  independent  municipal  parties  have  been  formed  in  Pittsburgh 
to  meet  the  needs  of  the  occasion.  None  of  them  have  been  permanent, 
although  they  may  have  lasted  through  one  or  more  campaigns.  They  were 
formed  along  distinctively  municipal  lines.  They  have  had  the  support  of 
the  best  element  in  the  city,  and  had  much  to  do  with  the  present  independent 
victory. 

The  only  permanent  organization  looking  forward  to  a  betterment  of 
civic  conditions  is  the  Voters’  Civic  League.  It  takes  no  other  part,  however, 

(407) 


•V 


150  The  Annals  of  the  American  Academy 

in  active  politics  than  investigating  and  reporting  on  candidates  for  city  and 
county  offices.  Its  work  has  been  very  effective,  and  the  league  in  the  future 
must  be  reckoned  with  by  political  parties, 

Pittsburgh  has  suffered  much  from  machine  rule,  but  from  the  recent 
mayoralty  election  it  is  apparent  that  the  honest  voters  of  the  community 
have  discovered  that  they  can  elect  their  own  officers.  For  the  future  it  is 
believed  that  no  machine  will  be  able  to  entrench  itself  so  substantially  that 
it  cannot  be  dislodged. 


NEW  ORLEANS 

a  CITIZENS’  PROTECTIVE  ASSOCIATION. 
h  CITIZENS’  LEAGUE. 

By  James  J.  McLoughlin,  New  Orleans,  La. 

The  reform  element  in  municipal  elections  in  New  Orleans  has  been 
spasmodic  in  its  manifestations.  The  city  being  overwhelmingly  Democratic 
in  its  politics,  of  course  all  reform  movements  to  be  successful  must  be  within 
the  party,  and  whenever  they  have  succeeded,  they  have  worked  in  line  with 
the  principles  of  the  national  Democratic  party. 

In  1888  the  first  reform  movement  of  any  consequence  began;  it  was 
organized  under  the  name  of  the  “Young  Men’s  Democratic  Association,”  was 
formed  within  the  party,  and  was  composed  principally  of  citizens  of  means 
and  influence.  Their  organization  was  throughout  the  entire  city,  and  was 
in  a  sense  semi-military  in  this,  that  armed  guards  were  used  at  all  polls 
where  trouble  was  anticipated,  to  ensure  an  honest  count  of  the  votes.  The 
election  was  won  by  the  reformers,  and  their  government  controlled  the  city 
for  four  years.  This  “Young  Men’s  Democratic  Association”  was  purely  a 
local  affair,  taking  no  part  in  state  or  national  politics,  and  during  the  four 
years  of  its  office-holding  it  lost  most  of  its  virility  through  inaction  on  the 
part  of  the  better  element  of  citizens  of  the  city,  and  in  1892  one  of  the 
worst  municipal  tickets  ever  known  was  put  before  the  people  by  the  regular 
party  and  was  elected. 

This  administration  had  not  been  in  office  very  long  before  rumors  of 
corruption  were  in  the  air.  A  franchise  was  granted  to  a  railroad  company 
to  run  its  tracks  through  one  of  the  most  aristocratic  residence  avenues  of 
the  city.  The  franchise  was  of  enormous  value  and  covered  some  of  the  most 
valuable  and  influential  sections  of  the  cit}''.  The  people  were  aroused  at 
this  grant  on  the  part  of  the  Council,  and  demands  were  made  for  the  repeal 
of  the  ordinance.  Immediately  the  “Citizens’  Protective  Association”  took 
the  matter  up,  and  almost  the  entire  Council  was  indicted,  some  of  them 
being  sent  to  the  penitentiary.  The  Maj^or  was  impeached  before  the  court, 
but  the  court  acquitted  him  on  the  ground  that  what  he  had  done  was  done 
upon  the  advice  of  his  counsel.  The  association,  which  was  formed  primarily 


Civic  Organizations  and  Municipal  Parties  15 1 

to  punish  these  corrupt  officials,  grew  in  numbers,  and  was  converted  into 
the  “Citizens’  League,”  which  led  the  next  reform  movement,  in  1896. 

It  was  carefully  organized,  with  a  central  body  and  branches  in  each 
ward.  Wealthy  citizens  contributed  large  sums  of  money,  and  as  the  months 
passed  by  it  was  seen  that  this  association  had  gotten  control  of  many  of 
the  wards  of  the  city.  The  evidence  of  corruption  brought  out  in  the  trials 
of  the  Councilmen  and  Mayor  no  doubt  contributed  largely  to  the  success  of 
the  “Citizens’  League.” 

In  the  election  of  1896  the  league  elected  twenty-seven  of  the  thirty  City 
Councilmen  and  all  of  its  usual  ticket. 

Its  plan  of  organization  was,  while  nominally  independent  of  both  parties, 
still  to  retain  the  support  of  both.  In  this  election  of  1896  the  “Citizens’ 
League”  carried  the  city  of  New  Orleans  for  the  Legislature,  and  its  members 
in  the  Legislature  secured  a  new  city  charter,  which  was  a  vast  improvement 
upon  the  old  one.  As  the  state  election  was  a  close  one,  the  Republican 
candidates  coming  within  a  few  thousand  votes  (some  say  even  closer  than 
that)  of  being  elected,  the  independents  sought  to  elect  a  United  States 
Senator,  and  came  within  one  vote  of  electing  their  man  to  the  United  States 
Senate.  This  was  their  greatest  achievement  outside  of  the  municipal  gov¬ 
ernment. 

They  controlled  the  city  for  four  years,  from  1896  to  1900,  and  it  is 
agreed  by  all  parties  that  the  “Citizens’  League”  administration  was  the  best 
ever  known  in  the  history  of  New  Orleans.  This  administration  carried  into 
execution  the  sewerage  and  drainage  scheme,  by  which  the  city  of  New 
Orleans  will  spend  $16^000,000  under  a  non-partisan  board  for  sewerage 
and  water. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  make  this  “Citizens’  League”  a  permanent 
independent  movement.  The  league  was  incorporated;  but  towards  the  end 
of  its  administration  politics  began  to  creep  in,  and  the  leader  of  the  league, 
who  successfully  led  it  through  a  victorious  campaign,  deserted  its  colors, 
and,  with  a  number  of  followers,  went  over  to  the  regular  Democratic  party. 
This,  and  a  widespread  belief  amongst  a  large  number  of  people  that  the 
“Citizens’  League”  Mayor  was  in  sympathy  with  certain  corporations,  con¬ 
tributed  materially  to  the  defeat  of  the  league  in  1900.  Again,  in  1904,  an 
independent  movement,  including  some  of  the  old  reform  element,  took  up  the 
municipal  campaign,  but  the  regular  party  was  so  well  organized,  and  the 
people  were  so  generally  apathetic,  that  the  result  was  a  complete  victory 
for  the  regulars.  Since  then  nothing  has  been  done  to  organize  a  distinct 
reform  movement,  although  several  suggestions  have  been  made  by  various 
prominent  citizens. 

One  peculiarity  of  the  local  situation  which  makes  it  difficult  to  organize 
a  successful  reform  movement  is  our  poll  tax  law.  Under  the  laws  of 
Louisiana  no  one  can  vote  unless  he  has  paid  poll  taxes  for  the  two  preceding 
years.  In  other  words,  in  order  to  take  part  in  the  elections  of  1906,  he 
must  have  paid  his  poll  taxes  for  1904  and  1905  during  those  two  years;  he 
cannot  pay  them  after  the  last  day  of  the  year  for  which  they  are  levied. 

(409) 


152 


The  Annals  of  the  American  Academy 


Consequently,  citizens  have  to  prepare  themselves  two  years  in  advance  in 
order  to  be  legal  voters.  Many  of  our  most  prominent  citizens  neglect  to  pay 
this  poll  tax  and,  consequently,  are  disqualified  from  voting.  The  president 
of  the  cotton  exchange  the  other  day  was  pronounced  ineligible  for  election 
to  a  State  Financial  Board  because  he  had  not  paid  his  poll  tax  for  1904. 
The  result  of  this  is  that  when  some  great  popular  movement  arises,  the 
citizens  who  compose  it  find  themselves  in  a  position  where  they  cannot  vote, 
because  they  neglected  to  pay  their  poll  tax. 

At  present  the  great  era  of  material  prosperity  which  seems  to  prevail 
in  New  Orleans  has  taken  possession  of  the  better  element  of  the  city,  and 
they  take  little  part  in  politics,  and  the  regular  ward  politicians  have  no 
opposition  to  their  schemes  of  government. 

Nevertheless,  and  beyond  it  all,  I  believe  that  our  present  municipal 
government  is  less  corrupt  than  that  of  almost  any  of  the  large  cities,  and,  as 
for  actual  bribery,  I  think  that  has  passed  away  with  the  great  victory  of  the 
“Citizens’  League”  when  it  drove  out  of  office,  and  to  the  penitentiary,  the 
corrupt  officials  of  that  day. 

Our  present  City  Council,  while  not  to  be  compared  with  the  “Citizens’ 
League”  government  of  eight  years  ago,  is  nevertheless  a  fairly  good  working 
one,  and  I  think  it  is  doing  all  it  can,  hampered  as  it  is  by  its  traditions  and 
the  manner  in  which  it  was  chosen,  to  give  the  people  of  New  Orleans  a 
fairly  good  system  of  municipal  rule. 


MINNEAPOLIS 

VOTERS’  LEAGUE. 

By  S.  P.  Jones,  Secretary  Voters’  League,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Only  one  civic  organization  participated  in  the  last  municipal  election  in 
Minneapolis,  that  of  1904 — the  Minneapolis  Voters’  League. 

This  is  an  organization  enlisted  for  practical  and  permanent  effort  for 
good  municipal  government  in  Minneapolis  and  Hennepin  county.  It  works 
along  exclusively  non-partisan  lines  and  confines  its  activities  to  the  election 
of  members  of  the  City  Council  and  the  Board  of  County  Commissioners, 
limiting  its  work  chiefly  to  the  investigation  of  the  records  and  qualifications 
of  candidates  and  publication  of  the  same  to  the  world  through  the  local 
papers.  The  league  co-operates  with  all  existing  party  organizations,  en¬ 
dorsing  and  supporting  for  nomination  and  election  the  men  who,  regardless 
of  their  party  affiliations,  are,  in  its  judgment,  best  qualified  for  public  service. 

The  Voters’  League  is  a  strongly  centralized  organization.  Its  immediate 
sponsors  were  sixty-five  prominent  business  and  professional  men  of  !Min- 
neapolis.  From  this  number  an  executive  committee  of  seven  was  selected 
to  shape  the  policy  and  to  direct  the  details  of  the  work.  This  committee 
is  self-perpetuating  and  wholly  independent  of  all  direction  from  any  source. 

(410) 


Civic  Organizations  and  Municipal  Parties 


153 


It  reports  only  to  the  public.  The  original  sixty-five  members,  known  as 
the  advisory  committee,  never  meet  as  a  committee.  Individual  members  are 
called  in  consultation  with  the  executive  committee  as  their  services  are 
needed.  There  is  an  associate  membership  of  about  500,  made  up  of  those 
who  have  by  card  expressed  approval  of  the  purposes  of  the  organization. 

The  league  is  a  permanent  organization,  keeping  constant  watch  of 
municipal  affairs  within  its  jurisdiction,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  a  campaign 
beginning  immediate  preparations  for  the  next  one.  It  rarely  seeks  to  direct 
legislation  in  either  city  or  county  government. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  in  Minneapolis  to  organize  a  distinctively 
municipal  party.  There  has  been  very  little  sentiment  for  such  a  move,  the 
prevailing  opinion  being  that,  with  the  large  independent  vote  in  this  com¬ 
munity,  better  results  can  be  reached  by  the  plan  of  the  league  to  raise  the 
standard  of  the  respective  party  nominees  by  organizing  disinterested  citizens 
for  the  support  of  the  best  qualified  men,  irrespective  of  their  party  brand. 
We  have  found  that  a  large  share  of  the  voters  will  choose  rightly,  if  given 
proper  direction  from  a  reliable  and  disinterested  source.  The  direct  primary 
system  in  Minnesota  gives  such  an  organization  the  opportunity  to  take  an 
active  part  also  in  the  selection  of  the  party  nominees. 

The  local  issues  have  not,  up  to  date,  been  sufficiently  clean  cut,  or  the 
situation  in  the  dominant  parties  so  discouraging,  as  to  necessitate  the 
formation  of  a  distinctively  municipal  party.  The  large  independent  vote 
tends  to  keep  up  the  standard  of  candidates  as  well  as  of  official  performance. 


KANSAS  CITY 

CIVIC  LEAGUE. 

By  Allan  O.  Harrison,  Secretary  Kansas  City  Civic  League. 

The  Kansas  City  Civic  League  was  organized  in  the  fall  of  1901,  and 
incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Missouri  January  ii,  1902.  .  The  purpose 
of  the  league  is  to  “secure  the  nomination  and  election  of  aggressively  honest 
and  capable  men  to  all  city,  township  and  county  offices.”  The  conditions 
which  called  for  the  civic  league  were :  a  generally  demoralized  city  gov¬ 
ernment,  failure  to  enforce  the  law,  graft,  election  frauds,  incompetency  of 
appointees,  and  indifference  of  good  people  to  these  things. 

The  plan  of  the  league  is  to  investigate  the  character  and  fitness  of 
candidates  for  local  offices  and  issue  a  report  to  the  public,  urging  the  election 
of  those  found  worthy,  and  the  defeat  of  those  found  unworthy,  regardless 
of  political  party.  After  the  election  the  league  watches  the  conduct  of  those 
elected  to  office,  and  before  the  expiration  of  their  term  the  league  issues 
another  report  covering  their  official  conduct.  At  the  last  two  local  elections 
it  was  noted  that  fully  three-fourths  of  the  League’s  recommendations  had 
been  followed  by  the  voters. 

(411) 


154 


The  Annals  of  the  American  Academy 


The  chief  obstacles  we  have  found  in  the  way  of  electing  high  grade 
officials  have  been  spoils,  politics  and  election  frauds.  We  have  sought  to 
remove  the  former  by  advocating  civil  service,  and  the  latter  by  aiding  in 
the  prosecution  of  those  found  violating  the  election  laws.  Through  the 
efforts  of  the  league  three  men  have  recently  been  convicted  and  sentenced  to 
two  years  each  in  the  penitentiary  for  election  frauds. 

There  is  no  distinctively  municipal  party  in  Kansas  City.  The  two 
leading  national  parties  are  strongly  intrenched  in  local  elections,  and  there 
has  been  little  or  no  effort  to  start  a  municipal  party.  The  chief  difficulties 
in  the  way  of  a  purely  municipal  party  are :  First,  the  strong  allegiance  to 
one  of  the  other  of  the  national  parties,  which  has  amounted  to  a  reverence 
with  many  Missouri  voters  in  the  past ;  and,  second,  the  form  of  ballot  used 
in  Missouri.  Each  party  has  a  separate  ballot,  and  thousands  of  voters  cast 
their  ballots,  not  according  to  the  merits  of  the  candidates,  but  according  to 
the  caption  of  the  ballot.  This  form  of  ballot  is  also  conducive  to  vote 
buying.  The  Civic  League  is  advocating  the  abolishment  of  the  separate  ballot 
or  party  column  and  the  substitution  of  the  single  ballot,  with  the  names  of 
all  candidates  for  each  office  under  the  designation  of  that  office. 

The  Civic  League  is  the  only  civic  organization  in  the  city  that  partici¬ 
pates  actively  in  municipal  elections.  During  its  early  efforts  the  League  was 
ignored  by  the  politicians,  but  later  they  came  to  respect  it,  and  candidates 
now  respond  promptly  to  the  questions  put  to  them  by  the  league  for  infor¬ 
mation.  The  league  is  generally  recognized  as  a  power  for  good,  and  a  large 
number  of  voters  look  forward  regularly  to  the  league’s  report  as  a  guide 
for  voting. 


DENVER 

LEAGUE  FOR  HONEST  ELECTIONS. 

By  James  H.  Causey,  Denver,  Col. 

The  only  civic  organization  which  has  taken  an  active  part  in  our  elections 
has  been  the  League  for  Honest  Elections. 

This  organization  has  not  co-operated  with  any  political  party,  but  has 
devoted  itself  entirely  to  the  work  of  purging  our  city  of  election  frauds. 
The  plan  of  organization  was  the  simple  one  of  forming  fifteen  men  into  a 
non-partisan  body,  with  a  president,  vice-president,  secretary  and  treasurer. 
It  opened  a  permanent  office,  which  it  has  maintained  until  this  time,  by  having 
an  office  secretary  and  keeping  the  public  in  touch  with  its  progress.  It  did 
not  attempt  to  organize  a  municipal  party  for  the  reason  that  the  field  is 
pretty  well  covered  by  the  two  principal  national  parties.  The  flood  of  light 
which  it  threw  on  our  election  situation  resulted  in  the  arrest  and  conviction 
of  many  of  the  tricksters.  A  new  registration  law  has  been  obtained  from 
the  Legislature  which  we  think  will  be  of  great  benefit  hereafter. 

The  work  of  the  League  for  Honest  Elections  is  now  being  supplanted 

(412) 


Civic  Organizations  and  Municipal  Parties 


'iSS 


by  the  State  Voters’  League  along  the  lines  of  the  Municipal  Voters’  League 
of  Chicago,  which  will  attempt  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  both  parties  to 
nominate  good  men. 


LOS  ANGELES 

MUNICIPAL  LEAGUE. 

By  C.  D.  Willard,  Secretary  Municipal  League,  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Los  Angeles,  California,  is  a  thoroughly  American  city  of  from  175,000 
to  200,000  population.  It  is  normally  Republican  about  two  to  one.  There 
are  108  precincts  in  the  city.  At  the  last  Presidential  election  Roosevelt 
carried  107  of  these,  his  total  majority  being  13,000.  One  month  later  a 
municipal  election  was  held,  at  which  the  Democratic  nominee  for  street 
superintendent,  endorsed  by  the  Municipal  League,  carried  104  out  of  the 
108  precincts.  The  Republican  candidate  secured  the  nomination  fairly  and 
was  supported  by  the  party  organization.  He  and  his  friends  put  up  a 
courageous  fight,  but  went  down  to  defeat  with  the  overwhelming  majority 
of  9,500  votes  against  him.  This  vote  would  seem  to  indicate  that  about 
half  the  electors  of  Los  Angeles  are  prepared  to  vote  independently  of  party 
nominations. 

Up  to  1896  there  was  no  organized  independent  movement  in  Los  Angeles, 
although  a  strong  independent  tendency  showed  at  times  in  municipal  and 
county  affairs.  The  municipal  election  occurs  every  two  years,  just  one 
month  after  the  national  or  state  and  county  elections  (alternating).  This 
arrangement  is  not  much  better  than  the  simultaneous  holding  of  the  city  and 
national  elections.  The  partisan  activity  and  enthusiasm  stirred  up  by  the 
larger  issues  is  still  in  force  when  the  municipal  battle  comes  on,  and  nomina¬ 
tions  for  city  offices  are  often  used  as  trading  material  in  the  county,  state 
and  national  conventions. 

In  1896  an  organization  known  as  the  “League  for  Better  City  Govern¬ 
ment”  came  into  existence,  with  an  active  membership  of  several  hundred 
and  an  allied  membership  of  about  6,000.  The  latter  was  obtained  by  taking 
signatures  of  citizens  who  would  pledge  themselves  to  the  principle  of  non¬ 
partisan  voting.  All  these  signers  were  allowed  to  participate  in  a  ballot 
through  the  mail.  In  this  way  a  direct  primary  vote  was  secured  and  vacan¬ 
cies  in  the  ticket  (where  there  was  no  majority)  were  filled  in  by  a  convention 
of  delegates  chosen  through  this  same  postal  primary.  Several  independent 
nominations  were  made,  but  for  the  most  part  the  nominees  of  the  regular 
organizations  were  endorsed.  The  result  was  the  most  satisfactory  Council 
the  eity  ever  had,  and  the  suppression  of  a  systematic  graft  that  ‘  had  been 
carried  on  for  years  in  the  Board  of  Education.  The  league,  however,  went 
out  of  existence  before  the  next  municipal  election  was  held. 

The  present  Municipal  League  was  established  in  the  fall  of  1901,  with 
a  resolve  to  “keep  out  of  politics,”  and  devote  itself  to  civic  improvement.  It 

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The  Annals  of  the  American  Academy 


156 

passed  the  election  of  1902,  but  by  1904  the  bad  condition  of  the  city’s  streets 
brought  the  organization  in  direct  conflict  with  the  street  superintendent,  and 
a  protest  was  entered  against  his  renomination.  The  outcome  of  this  contest 
is  narrated  above.  At  the  same  time  the  league  advocated  the  election  of  a 
non-partisan  school  board,  and  .secured  the  nomination  of  seven  men  of 
high  standing  for  membership  in  that  body.  These  were  refused  by  the 
Republican  convention,  but  accepted  by  the  Democrats.  They  were  elected 
by  3,000  majority  against  the  Republican  nominees.  The  remainder  of  the 
city  ticket  was  left  to  itself.  Most  of  the  administrative  offices  were  excellent, 
but  the  Council  is  very  unsatisfactory. 

Possibly  by  the  time  the  next  municipal  election  occurs  the  members  of 
the  league  will  be  prepared  to  order  that  organization  to  take  a  hand  in  the 
contest.  The  league  has  procured  an  amendment  to  the  city  charter  whereby 
the  next  election  will  be  for  a  three  years’  term.  This  brings  subsequent  elec¬ 
tions  to  non-political  years,  with  an  increase,  it  is  believed,  of  the  strength  of 
the  independent  sentiment. 


SEATTLE 

MUNICIPAL  OWNERSHIP  LEAGUE. 

By  Prof.  J.  Allen  Smith,  University  of  Washington. 

There  is  at  present  an  active  sentiment  here  in  favor  of  municipal  reform. 
Seattle,  like  other  rapidly  growing  cities,  has  learned  something  of  the  power 
of  public  utility  corporations  to  defeat  the  will  of  the  people.  The  sub- 
.scrviency  of  the  City  Council  to  the  street  railway  and  allied  interests  and 
its  disposition  to  grant  new  privileges  to  these  corporations  without  exercising 
such  power  as  it  now  possesses  to  ensure  adequate  service,  has  awakened  the 
people  to  the  fact  that  something  must  be  done  to  protect  their  interests. 
The  opposition  to  these  evils  has  within  the  last  few  weeks  crystallized  in 
a  municipal  ownership  movement,  or  rather  two  movements — a  municipal 
ownership  league  largely  made  up  of  business  and  professional  men  and  a 
similar  movement  having  its  origin  in  and  supported  by  the  labor  unions  of 
the  city.  These  two  organizations  have  united  in  placing  a  municipal  owner¬ 
ship  ticket  in  the  field,  and  are  making  an  active  campaign.  It  is  probable 
that  the  Democrats  will  endorse  the  candidates  of  the  municipal  ownership 
party. 

The  platform  adopted  favors  the  direct  nomination  and  the  recall  of 
public  officials,  and  the  prohibition  of  campaign  contributions  by  public  utility 
corporations.  It  opposes  the  grant  of  any  franchise  or  other  privilege  except 
by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  and  demands  that  no  new  franchise  shall  be 
granted  to  any  street  railway  corporation,  but  that  the  city  shall  at  once 
proceed  to  construct  and  operate  a  municipal  system  to  supply  the  transporta¬ 
tion  facilities  now  badly  needed  in  many  parts  of  the  city,  which  system  shall 
be  extended  as  the  growth  of  the  community  may  require. 

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Civic  Organizations  and  Municipal  Parties  157 

The  municipal  ownership  movement  really  began  several  years  ago,  when 
the  city  purchased  the  old  water  plant  and  built  the  present  gravity  system, 
which  has  proved  to  be  a  most  satisfactory  and  profitable  venture.  Encour¬ 
aged  by  the  success  of  municipal  ownership  in  this  field,  the  people  demanded 
and  finally  compelled  the  submission  of  a  proposal  to  vote  bonds  for  an 
electric  light  plant.  The  vote  in  favor  of  this  was  overwhelming,  but, 
although  the  plant  has  been  built,  it  has  not  yet  become  a  serious  competitor 
of  the  corporation  which  controls  the  distribution  of  light  and  power  as 
well  as  the  street  railways.  The  extension  of  this  municipal  service  to  private 
consumers  has  been  opposed  and  retarded  in  every  way  possible  by  the  cor¬ 
porations,  whose  profits  would  be  endangered  by  the  active  competition  of  a 
municipal  plant. 

The  present  municipal  ownership  movement  here  is  in  reality  an  effort 
to  secure  democracy.  What  the  people  want  more  than  any  thing  else  is  a 
local  government  that  will  represent  them  rather  than  the  public  utility 
corporations. 

Just  what  the  local  Republican  machine  will  do  remains  to  be  seen.  Its 
leaders  have  been  consistent  opponents  of  any  thorough-going  municipal 
ownership  policy,  but  they  now  realize  that  some  concessions  must  be  made 
to  public  opinion  before  they  can  hope  to  win  the  support  of  a  majority  of  the 
voters. 


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BOOK  DEPARTMENT 


f 

r-vJ 


NOTES. 

Adams,  G.  B.  The  History  of  England  (1066-1216).  Vol.  II  of  “The 
Political  History  of  England.”  Pp.  x,  473.  Price,  $2.60.  New  York; 
Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  1905. 

Reserved  for  later  notice. 

The  Charity  Organization  Society  of  New  York.  Twenty-third  Annual 
Report.  Pp.  230.  New  York,  1906.  105  East  Twenty-second  Street. 
Such  an  annual  report  as  this  is  worthy  of  note.  We  have  not  merely  the 
customary  accounts  of  the  work  of  various  committees,  and  of  the  several 
officers  of  the  organization,  but  we  have  likewise  some  monographs  written 
by  experts  in  philanthropic  work,  which  deserve  general  attention.  For 
instance,  twenty-three  pages  are  devoted  to  a  report  of  the  Committee  on 
Social  Research,  which  gives  very  definite  information  regarding  the  work 
done  for  a  large  number  of  families  which  have  come  under  the  care  of  the 
society  in  recent  years.  Any  student  of  such  conditions  will  find  in  this 
report  of  Miss  Lillian  Brandt  much  information  which  he  would  have 
difficulty  in  getting  elsewhere.  There  is  likewise  a  report  of  an  investigation 
in  regard  to  the  purchase  and  management  of  food  by  one  hundred  tenement 
house  families,  which  is  of  decided  interest.  The  work  of  the  School  of 
Philanthropy  for  the  past  year  is  given,  together  with  a  report  of  the 
Committee  on  the  Prevention  of  Tuberculosis. 

In  the  appendix  are  studies  dealing  with  “Tuberculosis  Among  Negroes,” 
“Lodging  House  Investigation,”  and  an  article  telling  of  country  employment 
for  poor  consumptives.  It  is  impossible  to  do  more  for  them  in  this  bald 
way,  to  hint  at  the  contents  of  this  interesting  volume,  which  may  be  obtained 
free,  so  long  as  the  edition  lasts,  by  sending  ten  cents  to  cover  postage. 

Crosby,  O.  T.  Tibet  and  Turkestan.  Pp.  xviii,  332.  Price,  $2.50.  New 
York;  G.  P.  Putnam’s  Sons,  1905. 

Reserved  for  later  notice. 

D’Eichthal,  E.  La  Formation  des  Richesses  et  ses  Conditions  Sociales 
Actuelles.  Pp.  xxvii,  456.  Price,  7.50  fr.  Paris;  Felix  Alcan,  1906. 
Reserved  for  later  notice. 

Denby,  Charles.  China  and  Her  People.  Two  volumes.  Pp.  xvi,  256;  viii, 
276.  Price,  $2.40.  Boston :  L.  C.  Page  &  Co.,  1906. 

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